Israel Elections: Who are Arab Israelis? Why did Arab parties gain votes?

Israel Election: Arab Israeli voters turned out in record numbers to protest discrimination and rising crime. Could their votes make Arab parties the key to forming Israel’s next government?

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Israel Elections: Who are Arab Israelis? Why did Arab parties gain votes?

The strong turnout among Arab citizens in Israel has emerged as a significant development in the country’s political landscape. For years, a section of the Arab electorate has remained reluctant to vote, disillusioned with political parties and sceptical about whether their votes could bring meaningful change. The latest election appears to signal a shift. Concerns over crime and violence, demands for equal rights, questions of political representation and uncertainty about the country’s future have all contributed to this renewed participation.

Arab citizens make up roughly one-fifth of Israel’s population. Most are of Palestinian descent. When Israel was established in 1948, and during the events surrounding its creation, hundreds of thousands of Palestinians were displaced from their homes. A section remained within Israel’s borders and eventually became Israeli citizens. But citizenship has not put an end to longstanding grievances over discrimination, land and housing rights, education, employment and political representation.

There is no single way in which Arab citizens of Israel define their identity. Some identify primarily as Arab Israelis, while others place greater emphasis on their Palestinian identity. For many, the two identities coexist.

Crime, violence and a growing sense of insecurity

One of the main reasons behind the increased turnout is the lack of security in many Arab communities. Organised crime, shootings and murders have remained persistent problems in Arab-majority towns and villages. Many residents accuse successive governments of failing to address the crisis adequately.

Anger has intensified under Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, particularly over the policies of National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir. Critics have accused the government of failing to curb violent crime in Arab communities. Demolitions of homes and other enforcement measures have also fuelled resentment.

For many voters, therefore, the election was about more than choosing a government. It was also about the safety of their families, the future of their communities and their ability to live without the constant threat of violence. Some who had previously stayed away from the ballot box chose to vote this time, believing that participation was necessary to bring about change.

But a higher turnout does not mean that Arab voters share a single political position. Some want to see Netanyahu removed from power. Others consider tackling crime in their communities their most urgent concern. There are also those who want Arab political representatives to have a direct role in government rather than remain on the margins of decision-making.

These demands differ, but they converge on one point: a desire for change.

Can Arab parties hold the key to government formation?

Israel’s parliament, the Knesset, has 120 seats. A government needs the support of at least 61 members to secure a majority. With neither major political bloc commanding enough seats on its own, the support of smaller parties has become crucial.

According to the seat distribution outlined in the election figures, Netanyahu’s bloc has won 53 seats, while the opposition bloc has secured 48. Arab parties hold the remaining 19 seats, potentially giving them considerable influence over the formation of the next government.

However, their electoral gains do not automatically translate into a place in the governing coalition. Arab parties differ in their political strategies, priorities and willingness to work with other blocs.

Mansour Abbas, leader of the United Arab List, known as Ra’am, has pursued a strategy of engaging with the government to secure practical improvements in the lives of Arab citizens. Other Arab political leaders, including those associated with the Joint List, have placed greater emphasis on civil rights and the Palestinian national question. Some have also kept open the possibility of supporting an opposition government without formally joining it.

The distinction matters. Arab parties may hold the balance of power in the Knesset, but whether they choose to exercise that influence through coalition participation, outside support or opposition will depend on the political negotiations that follow.

Does political unity make a difference?

The question of unity among Arab political parties has also shaped the debate over voter participation.

A survey published in May 2026 by the Moshe Dayan Center suggested that turnout among Arab voters could reach 67 per cent if all four Arab political parties joined forces in a common electoral alliance. If they contested the election separately, the projected turnout was 53 per cent. A substantial proportion of respondents also expressed support for Arab parties joining the government.

The findings point to the importance of political unity in mobilising voters who might otherwise feel that their participation would make little difference. A common platform can offer a clearer political alternative, although differences over strategy and ideology remain

A democratic right or a political threat?

The increased participation of Arab voters has also drawn a political response from Netanyahu’s camp. His bloc’s campaign messaging about Arab voters turning out on election day has attracted criticism, with Arab political leaders accusing the government of using their participation to stir racial hostility.

Their argument is straightforward: Arab citizens are entitled to vote like any other citizens of Israel. Their participation in an election should not be portrayed as a threat simply because of their ethnic or national identity.

The broader question is whether this renewed engagement will translate into lasting political influence. A larger Arab electorate could strengthen the position of Arab parties in the Knesset, giving them greater leverage in negotiations over government formation and policy.

But electoral representation alone cannot guarantee change. Whether the new momentum leads to tangible improvements in public safety, equality and political representation will depend on what Arab parties can secure through the political process—and whether the next government is prepared to act on the concerns that brought so many voters to the polls.

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