19th-Century press: Journalism before Independence

The emergence of newspapers in nineteenth-century Bengal was not merely a new medium for news dissemination; it was a potent weapon that provided the first organizational form of resistance against colonial rule. The journey of Bengali journalism began in 1818 with the publication of the first issue of Samachar Darpan from the Serampore Mission, eventually transforming into a mirror of contemporary public opinion. According to historian Muntasir Mamoon's research, more than 400 news-disseminating periodicals were published in Bengal during this period, most of which were at the forefront of the resistance struggle against colonial exploitation. According to researcher Swapan Basu's estimate, the number of periodicals published in nineteenth-century Bengal was no fewer than twelve hundred. This vast number of periodicals infused Bengali society with a new public consciousness, laying the foundation for the subsequent nationalist movement. According to political scientist Benedict Anderson, print-capitalism is a force that encourages people to read news in their mother tongue, and through this process, an 'imagined community' is formed. Nineteenth-century Bengali newspapers did precisely this: they bound hundreds of thousands of Bengali readers into the imagination of an imagined community, many of whom read the same news together, learnt of the same exploitation, and dreamt of similar forms of resistance. Jürgen Habermas’s concept of the bourgeois public sphere is also relevant here; these newspapers were that very public sphere where ordinary people could engage in critical discussions on political matters—a space free from state intervention.

The most important feature of nineteenth-century Bengali newspapers was their subscriber-based economy. Each newspaper collected an annual or monthly fee from its subscribers, which formed the primary source of revenue for these publications. The monthly price of Samachar Darpan was 1 Rupee, which was a significant sum at the time. The annual subscription for Amrita Bazar Patrika was 5 Rupees, which was certainly not easily affordable for contemporary middle-class families. Grambarta Prakashika was the only publication with a monthly price of 4 Annas, making it comparatively affordable for rural readers. Circulation figures were extremely limited. Samachar Darpan had 350 subscribers, of whom only 160 resided outside Calcutta. Samachar Chandrika had 86 subscribers, with only 6 outside Calcutta. Sangbad Purnachandrodaya had 778 subscribers, of whom 55 were from the mofussil. Sangbad Prabhakar had 122 subscribers, with only 7 residing outside Calcutta. Although these subscriber numbers were not high, every subscriber was loyal to the publication and faithful to its ideals.

The financial foundation of these newspapers was exceedingly weak. The volume of advertisements was so low that subscription fees remained the main support for running a paper. Despite financial crises, the newspapers did not deviate from their ideals. Harinath Mazumdar, the editor of Grambarta Prakashika, wrote: 'I had to incur a debt of five hundred rupees to publish the paper. Further debts had to be incurred during 1276–78 [BS]. In 1279 [BS], the debt increased by another two hundred rupees. On top of that, the weekly postal fee was seven annas, which used to be difficult to arrange.' Despite this financial hardship, he continued publishing the paper because his goal was to highlight the sorrows and miseries of rural society.

The most vital role of nineteenth-century Bengali newspapers was building public opinion against the atrocities of the indigo planters. When Amrita Bazar Patrika, edited by Sisir Kumar Ghosh, was first published from Palua-Mandra village in Jessore, its chief aim was to become the voice of the peasants against the exploitation of the indigo planters. Sisir Kumar himself wrote that they were merely photographers, reflecting reality which must reach the government. In its first issue, the newspaper declared:

Harinath Mazumdar’s Grambarta Prakashika from Kumarkhali was another notable example of this stream. Harinath wrote in his diary: 'Just as a physician cannot remedy a patient's condition without being fully aware of it, how shall the respected gentlemen strive for remedies if they remain ignorant of the state of the villages?' This paper published detailed accounts of the oppression by zamindars, moneylenders, and indigo planters. In Harinath's words, the objective of the paper was to expose the plight of the rural peasantry. A report published in Grambarta Prakashika asked: 'What will a report accomplish by ruining the country and killing the subjects?' This headline alone made the newspaper's stance explicit. Regarding police atrocities, the paper wrote: 'Like the hiccup symptom of a delirious patient, the police have become a affliction to the peasantry.' Concerning colonial courts, they wrote that poor subjects suffer due to the 'hand-stretching disease' [bribery] of the amlas. On the exploitation tactics of zamindars, they noted that oppressing subjects required bribing and appeasing state officials, the police, and the courts.

The publication titled Dhaka Prakash was also vocal against the atrocities of the indigo planters. In an 1863 issue, the paper wrote:

Reports of this nature laid the foundation for the subsequent Indigo Revolt. The paper further wrote that in those areas, indigo planters set fire to the homes of the peasantry, insulted women, while the government remained a silent spectator. Hitakari wrote regarding the plight of the farmers: 'Year after year passes, and the farmers sustain their lives clinging to hope for the coming year. For the past five years, with crops of paddy and ingu destroyed by floodwaters, the farmers have been rendered destitute. What other assets does a farmer possess? A few cattle, a small holding of land, a wife, children, and his own body—this is his sole property. Towards this body, the landlord, the moneylender, the wife, and children all gaze with selfish eyes.' Rangpur Dikprakas wrote as early as 1849: 'That the present governance of the realm has become a true oppressor of its subjects has not met your eyes, even while possessing them like a serpent.'

The resistance of these newspapers against colonial rule was not restricted merely to documenting economic exploitation; they also sowed the first seeds of political freedom. When the Vernacular Press Act was enacted in 1878, Amrita Bazar Patrika converted overnight from Bengali to English to defy this law. Motilal Ghosh wrote regarding the framer of this law: 'An autocrat of autocrats, Sir Ashley Eden sought to rule Bengal with an iron hand.' Surendranath Banerjee, Robert Knight, and others protested against this Act. Multiple meetings were held in Calcutta, and ultimately Lord Ripon was forced to repeal the Act in 1881.

Ishwar Chandra Gupta’s Sangbad Prabhakar, though initially loyal to the Crown, grew vocal in its criticism of colonial rule over time. Grambarta Prakashika expressed its indignation towards the government in even clearer terms, writing: 'The subjects are gradually being forced to desert the land; there are no means left to collect rent. Is it the zamindar's wish that they pay rent by begging?' Reports of this nature played a significant role in building public opinion against the omnipotent government. Dhaka Prakash, edited by the Brahmo-adherent Govinda Prasad Roy, wrote on 3 July 1870: 'The English have shown us mercy in the bud. For that, we are grateful and loyal to the King.' But this loyalty was conditional. In September 1886, they wrote: 'We make a humble entreaty to the English government: whether the English government grants us full rights of self-governance or not, whether they appoint us to high offices or not, make provisions forthwith so that our heads may somehow pass the days eating rice and wearing clothes.'

Bramhabandhav Upadhyay’s Sandhya wrote: 'Shall we remain subjugated forever? Our own country, our own language, our own culture—can we forget them?' This statement was the ultimate culmination of the resistance posed by nineteenth-century newspapers. Sandhya further wrote: 'A nation that forgets its own language forgets its own existence.' When communal riots increased in Bengal during the latter half of the nineteenth century, many newspapers spoke out in favour of communal harmony. Hitakari wrote: 'Both Hindus and Muslims are inhabitants of this country; both possess equal rights in the practice of their respective religions.' An editorial in Ahmadi stated that Hindus and Muslims are both children of Mother India, and friendship between them is desirable. Many periodicals edited by Muslim editors also led the movement to establish the Bengali language as the national language. In its New Year edition in 1310 [BS], Nabayug wrote: 'Apart from the Bengali language, what else can be the mother tongue of the Bengali Muslim?' Statements of this nature would later lay the foundation for Bengali language-based nationalism in East Bengal. Al-Eslam, in its Ashar 1326 / 1919 edition, wrote addressing Muslim society: 'You are not merely students; you are Bengalis. You are Bengali Muslims. In the air of Bengal, in the soil of Bengal, in the crops of Bengal, in the fruits of Bengal, your bodies have been formed, nourished, and grown.'

Another important aspect of Hindu-Muslim harmony was the joint editing and publication of periodicals. Hindu-Musalman by Peary Mohan Das and Syed Mohammad Ziaul Huq; Juggm-Aloke by Narayan Krishna Mazumdar and Abu Naser Mohammad Harun-ur-Rashid; Bangali by M. S. Uddin and Bimal Sen; Broti by Rowshan Sultan and Nimai Roy; Now-Jawan by Ashraf Ali Khan and Nripendranath Mukhopadhyay—these periodicals were unique examples of communal harmony. The newspapers of that era called not only for political freedom, but also for economic independence. Hitakari called upon educated youth to improve agriculture, writing: 'If the very land we possess in our country is cultivated in a superior manner using new machinery, a vast quantity of crops can be produced.' On 28 March 1869, Dhaka Prakash wrote: 'For the progress of commerce in Bengal, the establishment of indigenous industry is imperative. The English take raw materials from us and bring back manufactured goods to sell to us. This system must change.' Bharat Mihir called for the advancement of indigenous industries, writing: 'We must establish our own industries. The English take our cotton and sell us cloth. Against this exploitation, we must build our own industries.'

During that era, the zamindari system resulting from the Permanent Settlement (1793) had become a curse for the peasantry of Bengal. Newspapers spoke out against this system. Grambarta Prakashika wrote: 'Zamindars perpetrate various atrocities to collect rent from the subjects. If the subjects fail to pay rent, their houses are seized and their property confiscated. This system must change.' Dhaka Prakash wrote: 'The subjects have no rights under the zamindari system. The zamindar can evict subjects from their homes as he pleases. If the subjects approach the court, they incur even greater expenses. This system is not just.' Amrita Bazar Patrika wrote against the oppression of the zamindars: 'Zamindars employ various deceitful arguments to collect rent from subjects. They burn down the houses of subjects, insult women, and assault boys. The government must take measures against this oppression.' Hitakari wrote against the zamindari system in even harsher language: 'The zamindari system is a curse. Because of this system, farmers are being ruined. Zamindars are sucking the blood of the subjects. This system must be abolished.'

The colonial British government never favored such independent thinking by newspapers. The first Press Regulations were enacted in 1823, making it mandatory to print the editor's name in newspapers. Harish Chandra Mukherjee was arrested for publishing news on the atrocities of indigo planters during the Indigo Revolt. A lawsuit was filed against him, though he was ultimately proven innocent. During the Indigo Revolt, Harish Chandra wrote: 'The oppression that the indigo planters are perpetrating upon the subjects is more than even God can endure.' A lawsuit was filed against Raja Rajnarayan Roy in 1840. He had written in harsh language against an English judge in Sangbad Bhaskar. Gourishankar Tarkabagish announced a reward of 500 Rupees for turning in Raja Rajnarayan. Ishwar Chandra Gupta was threatened multiple times for his editorials. He wrote in Sangbad Prabhakar: 'We are always prepared to speak the truth, regardless of the hardship it entails.'

The resistance built by nineteenth-century Bengali newspapers against colonial rule laid the foundation for the subsequent nationalist movement. In the Indigo Revolt, the Santhal Rebellion, and the Partition of Bengal movement of 1905, newspapers played a central role in shaping public opinion in every instance. During the Swadeshi movement in the first decade of the twentieth century, the role of newspapers became even more critical. Nineteenth-century Bengali newspapers became the precursors of nationalist consciousness, commanders in the first war of resistance against colonial exploitation, and the original architects of Bengali nationalism. It was through their pens that the seeds of independence were first sown, which later took the form of the great freedom struggle. Harinath Mazumdar once wrote in an ironical tone: 'Blessed is our country! Blessed is our "buy-it-for-me" inclination!' They knew they were engaged in a noble endeavour; they were the architects of a nation's awakening. Today, when we speak of press freedom, we must remember those nineteenth-century journalists who spoke the truth at the risk of their lives, who wielded their pens against oppression, and who dedicated their lives to the awakening of a nation. Standing beside them was a handful of subscribers, an immortal readership, whose financial support constructed the foundation of this resistance; their contribution remains eternally remembered in the pages of history. Just as Grambarta Prakashika and Samachar Darpan did in those days, Inscript today seeks to maintain its independent identity, positioning itself opposite the ruler, on the side contrary to power. Therefore, today, as then, we require the financial patronage of subscribers—an economic structure that navigates its path by looking towards its readers, not towards advertisements or government patronage. Only then can we, in this era as in that one, bring forth the farmers' struggle for Minimum Support Price, the daily agony of Gen-Z gig workers, and the stories of injustice and oppression from villages to the metropolis.

Bibliography

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Basu, Swapan and Indrajit Chaudhuri (eds.). Unish Sataker Bangali Jiban o Sanskriti [Nineteenth-Century Bengali Life and Culture]. Calcutta: Pustak Bipani, 2000.

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Bandyopadhyay, Brajendranath. Harinath Mazumdar (Kangal Harinath). Calcutta: Bangiya Sahitya Parishat, 1950.