The shadow of Nazism returns to Germany

Hitler is no more. Nazi Germany is no more. The Second World War ended in 1945. The flags of the Allied forces were raised on the streets of Berlin, and the Nazi empire was reduced to ruins. Eight decades have passed since then. Over this long period, Germany has not only built a new state but has also forged a political culture of coming to terms with its past. Accepting responsibility for the Holocaust, preserving the memory of Nazi crimes, and apologizing for the genocide of the Jewish people became key foundations of post-war German democracy.

Yet, in that very Germany, a political force is now rapidly gaining popularity whose discourse increasingly emphasizes anti-immigration, ethnic nationalism, Islamophobia, and a politics of exclusion in the name of protecting "German identity." The name of the party is Alternative for Germany (AfD).

The results of the state election in Saxony-Anhalt at the beginning of September 2026 have further heightened these concerns. The AfD secured nearly 44 percent of the vote, winning 39 out of 83 seats in the state parliament. This leaves them just three seats short of an absolute majority. No far-right party in Germany has achieved such a powerful electoral result since World War II.

Following this result, thousands of people took to the streets in various German cities. On September 12, demonstrations were held in more than 35 cities. In cities including Berlin, Hamburg, Munich, Düsseldorf, Leipzig, and Magdeburg, people shouted slogans demanding the protection of democracy. A section of the protesters demanded the immediate initiation of legal proceedings to ban the AfD.

However, one point needs to be made clear from the outset. Equating the AfD directly with Hitler’s Nazi party, the NSDAP, is historically inaccurate. The two parties are not the same, nor are their organizational structures identical. However, anti-immigration and ethno-identity-focused statements by several AfD leaders and branches—particularly concepts like "remigration"—have reignited debate over the party's political stance in Germany. Documents from Germany's Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution and various research studies highlight similarities between certain AfD statements and positions and those of extreme right-wing and historical Nazi ethno-nationalism.

The AfD was born in 2013 against the backdrop of the European debt and eurozone crises. Initially, the party's primary political position was opposition to the euro and eurozone fiscal policies. Over time, however, the party's political epicenter shifted toward hardline stances on immigration and asylum policies. Especially after the 2015 refugee crisis, anti-immigration, national identity, and anti-Islamic politics became key political tools for the AfD. At the same time, nationalist, right-wing, and far-right tendencies grew stronger within the party.

Since then, the AfD's vote share has steadily increased. In the 2021 Bundestag elections, the party won 10.3 percent of the second vote, securing 83 seats. In the 2025 elections, their vote share rose to 20.8 percent, and their seat tally increased to 152. This means that within a four-year span, the AfD's parliamentary seats nearly doubled.

These numbers serve as the clearest warning sign. The AfD is no longer a marginal party in German politics. It is the second-largest party in the national parliament. In several eastern German states, it is a leading force. And the 2026 Saxony-Anhalt results demonstrate that it has reached the threshold of forming a state government.

Yet, looking solely at anti-immigration politics would be a mistake. Post-election analysis in Saxony-Anhalt shows that the cost of living, economic uncertainty, and public discontent with the federal government's performance played significant roles in the AfD's rise. According to a Reuters analysis, 87 percent of voters in the state were dissatisfied with Chancellor Friedrich Merz's government. Thus, viewing this AfD victory merely as a result of anti-immigration voting would be incorrect; it is also an expression of accumulated frustration with mainstream politics.

Far-right politics thrives when real public grievances are tied to identity and fear. When a party responds to discontent over employment, inflation, security, housing, or public services by claiming—" foreigners are the cause," "refugees are the cause," "Muslims are the cause," "immigration is the cause"—a complex social problem is assigned a simple enemy. The AfD is engaging in precisely this brand of politics.

The most controversial example of this was the secret meeting in Potsdam in November 2023. In January 2024, the German media outlet Correctiv exposed details of that meeting. Present were several AfD leaders, far-right activists, businessmen, and Austrian extremist Martin Sellner. A primary topic of discussion was "remigration"—the plan to deport immigrants and, under certain conditions, even German citizens from the country.

When this came to light, Germany was shaken. For weeks, massive protests broke out across cities nationwide. While the disclosure of the Potsdam meeting acted as the immediate trigger for these protests, the AfD's popularity is driven not by this single event alone, but by multiple factors: anger over immigration, the cost of living, inflation, and frustration with mainstream political parties. It is for these reasons that when the AfD polled nearly 44 percent of the vote again in 2026, those old fears returned.

However, caution is needed regarding the use of the term "remigration." Immigration control, the deportation of illegal immigrants, or legal processes for asylum seekers can be legitimate components of any state's policy. But the concept of stripping individuals of citizenship and deporting them based on their ethnic identity, family origins, or "whether they have sufficiently integrated into German society" is an entirely different matter. This is where the boundary between democratic immigration policy and ethnic politics is drawn—a boundary whose terrifying consequences Germany has already witnessed in its history.

Hitler’s NSDAP did not form a government by winning a direct electoral victory. Through electoral success and political compromises, Hitler became Chancellor of Germany in 1933. Once in power, through the Reichstag Fire Decree, the Enabling Act, and a series of repressive measures, the Nazis weakened democratic institutions, suppressed opposition, and ultimately established a one-party dictatorship. From stripping Jews of their civil rights to systematic genocide, the outcome of Nazi rule was the Holocaust, in which approximately six million Jews were killed. Because of this history, the public use of Nazi organizational symbols, slogans, and gestures is legally banned in post-war Germany. Similarly, German law prescribes penalties for denying or trivializing the genocide committed under Nazi rule.

This is why past statements by certain AfD leaders have sparked such intense controversy. Party politician Björn Höcke made highly controversial remarks regarding the Holocaust Memorial and criticized Germany's culture of remembering its Nazi past. He has also faced court proceedings over charges of using banned Nazi slogans.

Furthermore, the state branch of the AfD in Saxony-Anhalt has been classified as "definitely extremist" by the Verfassungsschutz, Germany's domestic intelligence agency. Following the election, discussions have begun regarding the possibility of an AfD-led state government. They hold 39 of the 83 seats, needing three more for a majority. However, mainstream parties remain unwilling to enter a coalition with the AfD.

This stance is known in German politics as the "Brandmauer"—or political firewall. Mainstream parties maintain that securing votes in an election does not automatically confer the right to form a government with all parties. In a democracy, certain political boundaries exist that cannot be crossed. But how long will that firewall hold? That is now the biggest question. The higher the vote share the AfD achieves, the greater the pressure on other parties. If any party adopts the AfD's language to attract its voters, the AfD's political rhetoric will gradually enter the mainstream. And if any party forms a direct coalition with the AfD, long-standing political taboos will be shattered.

Meanwhile, calls to ban the AfD are growing louder. Organizers claim that nearly 150,000 people participated in demonstrations across roughly 20 cities on September 12. Various organizations have directly demanded the initiation of legal proceedings to ban the AfD.

However, banning a political party in Germany is no simple matter.

Under Article 21 of the German Constitution, if a party seeks to destroy or damage the free democratic basic order through its goals or the behavior of its adherents, or to endanger the existence of Germany, the Federal Constitutional Court can declare the party unconstitutional. But the final decision rests with the court. Germany's current Chancellor, Friedrich Merz, has also expressed caution regarding a ban on the AfD. His position is that a prohibition will not resolve the issue; rather, AfD voters must be brought back into mainstream politics.

The AfD won 20.8 percent of the vote and 152 seats in the 2025 national elections. In the 2026 Saxony-Anhalt election, its vote share rose to nearly 44 percent. Its state branch is classified as definitely extremist by the Verfassungsschutz. These figures clearly illustrate the growing influence of the AfD in German politics.